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Libertarians of Will, Intellect, and Action

Mises Daily by Murray N.=20 Rothbard | Posted on 2/9/2007 12:00:00 AM

[Keynote Address to the Libertarian Party Convention,=20 1977]

=20

I am honored and delighted to be here, and particularly happy that = the theme=20 of this convention is Turning Point, 1777/1977. For one thing, it means = that the=20 Libertarian Party is, to my knowledge, the only organization in the = country that=20 realizes that the Bicentennial does not merely apply to = 1776/1976. The=20 official governmental Bicentennial Commission has just shut up shop, = convinced=20 that its task is done.

The left-wing People's Bicentennial Commission has not been heard = from for=20 the entire year. It seems that only the Libertarian Party understands = that the=20 American Revolution did not end in 1776; in fact, the Revolution began a = year=20 before the official Bicentennial, in 1775, and it ended eight grueling = years=20 later, in 1783. We should be celebrating the bicentennial for eight = years, and=20 not just for a few months of hoopla.

But there is greater significance to the Libertarian commemoration of = 1777=20 than the mere fact that we are better historians than everyone else. = There is=20 something unfortunately symbolic about confining one's = celebration to=20 1776, the year of the Declaration of Independence. For as noble, as = exciting, as=20 profoundly libertarian as the Declaration was, it was still the = necessary but not sufficient first step in the victory of what = we have=20 correctly identified as the First Libertarian Revolution. The = Declaration was=20 the rhetoric, the ideology, that set the stage; but the American=20 revolutionaries, our libertarian forefathers, were not only = interested=20 in setting forth a glorious set of principles; having done that, they = were=20 also interested in action, in putting these principles into = practice in=20 the real world, in transforming the real world to give those principles=20 life.

The American revolutionaries set themselves a goal: to transform = reality so=20 as to bring the rhetoric of the Declaration into living practice. The = American=20 Revolution was the process of struggle by which the revolutionaries = pursued=20 their goal and achieved their victory. It is only because of their = dedicated=20 actions that we, their descendants, can celebrate the 4th of July and = the=20 Declaration of Independence.

I have long been convinced that the process of becoming a libertarian = =E2=80=94=20 whether it happens gradually or in a blinding flash of conversion = =E2=80=94 is a twofold=20 rather than a single process. If we may use a now familiar rhetoric, we = might=20 say that the true libertarian is "born again," that is, that the process = of=20 conversion to liberty takes place in two distinct =E2=80=94 though = sometimes rapidly=20 succeeding =E2=80=94 stages.

The first conversion is what we might call the "baptism of reason" = =E2=80=94 the=20 moment or moments when the person becomes convinced that liberty is the = best,=20 and the only just, social system for mankind. He or she realizes that = liberty is=20 the true, the good, and the beautiful. But I have become increasingly = convinced=20 that this realization is only the first step to becoming a full-fledged=20 libertarian. To be truly "born again," the libertarian must experience = what we=20 might call a second baptism, the "baptism of will." That is, he must be = driven=20 by his rational insight to dedicate himself to the mighty goal of = bringing about=20 the victory of liberty, of libertarian principles, in the real = world.=20 He must set out to transform reality in accordance with his ideal = vision. In=20 short, the truly complete libertarian, the "born again" libertarian, if = you=20 will, is not content with recognizing the truth of liberty as the best = social=20 system; he cannot and will not rest content until that system, that set = of=20 principles, has triumphed in the world of reality.

Reason and will are thus fused in a mighty and unflinching = determination to=20 carry on the struggle until the victory of liberty over statism has been = achieved. The American revolutionaries pledged "their lives, their = fortunes, and=20 their sacred honor" to their struggle for liberty and independence. They = were=20 not parlor libertarians; they were determined to settle for nothing less = than=20 victory, regardless of how long or how arduous the task. And one thing = is=20 certain: they never could have won without that iron determination; for=20 otherwise, they would have wilted very early: after Long Island, or Fort = Washington, or Valley Forge. The American revolutionaries would settle = for=20 nothing less than victory; can we fail to follow their glorious = example?

I am convinced that our primary task, now, as libertarians, is not to = hassle=20 with each other on the precise role of the courts or the police in the = eventual=20 free society, nor over the proper detailed strategy or tactics of = achieving it.=20 As important as these questions are, our most vital task is for each and = every=20 one of us to achieve the baptism of will, that is, to adopt and hold = high =E2=80=94=20 forever =E2=80=94 the victory of liberty as our primary, overriding = political goal.=20 This is what we are all about, we libertarians.

To paraphrase a very different ideologist, our task is not simply to=20 understand the world but also to change it. And that is why we = libertarians call=20 ourselves a "movement"; Webster's defines "movement" as a = "connected=20 and long continued series of acts and events tending toward some more or = less=20 definite end =E2=80=A6 as, the Tractarian movement; the = prohibition=20 movement." Our common end, of course, is the victory = of=20 liberty over statism.

I used to think that adopting the victory of liberty as the = overriding goal=20 must be almost self-evident to all libertarians =E2=80=94 until I began = to find those=20 who turned pale and fled when the word "victory" was mentioned. For = there are=20 all too many libertarians who apparently believe that the point of the = whole=20 enterprise is not triumph in the real world, but all sorts of other = motivations,=20 ranging from contemplating the beautiful intellectual edifice of the = libertarian=20 system to selling each other dried beans to bearing moral witness to the = rightness or righteousness of the libertarian worldview.

There is, I suppose, a certain satisfaction in knowing, or even = proclaiming,=20 that we are right and that everybody else is wrong and misguided. But, = in the=20 long run, this and the other motivations are only frivolous; they are = simply not=20 worthy of respect. They are not worthy of being mentioned in the same = breath as=20 the American revolutionaries who pledged their lives, their fortunes, = and their=20 sacred honor to the cause.

The major serious objection to holding victory as our goal is that = such a=20 goal can only be hopeless and absurd. The state, it is said, is mighty,=20 pervasive, and all-powerful; and who are we but a tiny handful of men = and women,=20 dwarfed by the legions of the state? But this sort of thinking is=20 impressionistic and superficial; geared to the range of the present = moment, it=20 overlooks the underlying trends of historical events.

Here, in particular, we can take hope and inspiration from the = Founding=20 Fathers and the American Revolution. For, I can assure you, to the = observers of=20 that day, the American cause looked totally hopeless. How could a = handful of=20 ragged, untrained soldiers hope to defeat the mightiest state, the = mightiest=20 Empire of the eighteenth century? To all knowledgeable people, the = American=20 cause seemed hopelessly quixotic and absurd, Utopian and unrealistic. = For, think=20 of it: In all of history there had never been a successful mass = revolution from=20 below against a strong ruling state. So how could this American rabble = possibly=20 succeed? And yet =E2=80=94 we did it! We won! We performed the = impossible.

The first libertarian revolution succeeded, and we can do the same = =E2=80=94 but we,=20 too, must have the will to triumph, to accept nothing less than total=20 victory.

Of course, in the immediate present, any existing state may look=20 all-powerful, while opposition movements may seem small and puny. But, = in a few=20 short years, how the tables may be turned! State after state has seemed=20 all-powerful almost to the day of its collapse and demise, while = numerous=20 successful ideological movements have flowered from a tiny handful to = triumph a=20 few short years later.

And no state has seemed more powerful than did the British Empire at = the=20 start of the American revolutionary war. It was easy to look = superficially at=20 the first two years of that war and conclude that all was inevitably = lost.=20 Washington's Continental Army had almost been wiped out in New York; = Howe's army=20 had conquered the American capital at Philadelphia. Washington's forces = froze=20 and starved through the winter at Valley Forge and St. Leger and = Burgoyne were=20 marching down from Canada to meet at Albany and then proceed to New York = City=20 and cut America in two.

As everyone knows, the turning point of the war came in late 1777, = when=20 Gentleman Johnny Burgoyne's once mighty British army was surrounded and = forced=20 to surrender at Saratoga. But what were the factors that brought about = this=20 fateful turn and that carried the Americans through the rest of the = lengthy=20 conflict to victory?

There are many causal facts that we could mention, including the = overweening=20 self-confidence of the British, who contemptuously dismissed Americans = as a=20 militarily untrained rabble; there is also the determination and = dedication of=20 the Americans, civilian and military. But what I would like to = concentrate on=20 here is the fact that the American revolutionary leaders adopted and = developed=20 what would nowadays be called a "mass line." That is, in contrast to=20 conservatives, whether of 1777 or 1977, the American revolutionaries = were not=20 afraid of the mass of the American public. On the contrary, they = realized that=20 the great bulk of Americans were being oppressed by the British, and = that the=20 public could be brought to see this and to act upon that knowledge.

And sure enough, the great strength of the American armed forces is = that they=20 relied upon, indeed blended with, the civilian population. In a deep = sense they=20 were that population. The Americans were a people in arms, a = mobile=20 people that knew their particular terrain, and who were imbued with a = deep sense=20 of their rights and of the iniquity of the British invasion of those = rights.=20 When combating Burgoyne, the Americans, led by British-born libertarian = General=20 Horatio Gates, shrewdly avoided, until the very end at Saratoga, direct=20 confrontation with the superior firepower of the highly trained British = invasion=20 force.

Instead, Gates, aided by influxes of armed civilians who joined the = fray as=20 their own counties and districts were being invaded, wore down the = British=20 forces by guerrilla harassment. An example particularly heart-warming to = libertarians, is the case of General John Stark, who had resigned from = the=20 American army and retired to his native New Hampshire in pique at shabby = treatment by his superiors. But when a troop sent out by Burgoyne = invaded=20 southwestern Vermont, Stark rose up, mobilized the militia and other = volunteers=20 from New Hampshire and Vermont, and clobbered the British troops at the = Battle=20 of Bennington.

Gates and Stark, and later the victor of the decisive final Southern=20 campaign, General Nathaniel Greene, were following the theories and the = vision=20 of their mentor, the forgotten and unsung hero of the revolutionary war, = General=20 Charles Lee, second in command of the American army during the first = years of=20 the war.

Lee was a fascinating character, an English military genius and = soldier of=20 fortune and a radical laissez-faire libertarian, who, as soon as he = heard of the=20 events leading up to the Boston Tea Party and the developing break with = his=20 native country, rushed to America to take part in the revolution. It was = Lee who=20 fused the political and the military together to develop the principles, = strategies, and tactics of revolutionary guerrilla warfare, which he = called=20 "people's war." Every American military victory in the war was fought on = people's war, guerrilla principles; every defeat was suffered when = America tried=20 to play the age-old game of inter-state warfare between two disciplined = state=20 armies marching to meet each other in open frontal combat.

Thus, Lee and his disciples worked out and applied the military = implications=20 of a mass line, of a people rising up against the Leviathan state.

There were other vitally important features of this overall mass = line. One of=20 its important aspects was that the American revolutionaries blended all = the=20 arguments against British imperialism into a harmonious and integrated=20 structure. Historians have argued whether the revolution's thrust was = economic,=20 constitutional, moral, religious, political, or philosophic =E2=80=94 = without realizing=20 that the revolutionaries' libertarian perspective integrated them all. = No vital=20 aspect went neglected. The revolutionaries understood =E2=80=94 and = pointed out =E2=80=94 that=20 the British government was injuring the economic well-being of the = Americans=20 through taxes, regulations, and privileged monopolies; but they also = knew that,=20 in so doing, the British were aggressing against the natural rights of = person=20 and property enjoyed by Americans and by all men. For the American=20 revolutionaries, there was no split, no disjunction, between the = economic and=20 the moral, between prosperity and rights.

As a corollary to their mass line, the American revolutionaries and = their=20 leaders were not afraid to be radical. In current rhetoric, they dared = to=20 struggle and dared to win. There were three features of that radicalism = that I=20 would like to explore today. First was their willingness, indeed their=20 eagerness, to desanctify, to demythologize the state, to strip it of its = ancient=20 encrusted armor of justifications, alibis, and rationalizations. The = last and=20 vital remaining act of this process was desanctifying the king =E2=80=94 = a revered=20 mystical symbol of state sovereignty which was far more powerful, to = Americans=20 and to Britons, than Parliament or the unwritten British constitution. =

This final act was necessary to any outright American break for = independence;=20 it was first launched tentatively, very early in the revolutionary = agitation, by=20 Patrick Henry, but the mortal blow was delivered by the unknown, = impecunious=20 pamphleteer Tom Paine, another English-born laissez-faire radical who = performed=20 this feat in his runaway best-seller, Common Sense. Paine = realized that=20 this final act of demystification had to be couched radically, in no = mincing or=20 uncertain terms, thus cutting the final umbilical cord not only with = Great=20 Britain, but also with the age-old established principle of monarchy. = And in so=20 doing Paine also pointed out the piratic origins of the state itself. He = referred to King George as "the royal brute of England," and to kings in = general=20 as "crowned ruffians," whose thrones had all been established by being = heads of=20 gangs of "armed banditti."

The king, he wrote, was "nothing better than the principal ruffian of = some=20 restless gang; whose savage manners or preeminence in subtlety obtained = him the=20 title of chief among plunderers; and who by increasing in power and = extending=20 his depredations, overawed the quiet and defenseless=E2=80=A6"

Paine concluded his great work with these stirring words:

"O! Ye that love mankind! Ye that dare oppose not only tyranny but = the=20 tyrant, stand forth! Every spot of the old world is overrun with = oppression.=20 Freedom hath been hunted around the globe. Asia and Africa have long = expelled=20 her. Europe regards her as a stranger, and England hath given her = warning to=20 depart. O! receive the fugitive, and prepare in time an asylum for=20 mankind."

I would like to underscore the importance of the line, "Ye that dare = oppose=20 not only tyranny but the tyrant=E2=80=A6" For here Paine was referring = to that two-step,=20 double "baptism" process of which I spoke earlier. That it is splendid, = but not=20 enough, to come to the point of opposing tyranny in the abstract, as a = general=20 principle; but that it is of equally vital importance to press on to the = second=20 stage, to the concrete activism of engaging in struggle against the = actual=20 tyrant of whatever time and place we happen to live in.

This brings me to the second, interconnecting radicalism of the first = libertarian revolution. It used to be thought that all Americans had = read John=20 Locke and were simply engaged in applying his concept of natural rights, = of=20 rights to liberty and property, and right of revolution against tyranny. = But now=20 we know that the process was not that simple. Even in those enlightened = days not=20 everyone was interested in or equipped to read abstract philosophy.

What most Americans did read were intellectuals and = libertarians,=20 like Tom Paine, who took Locke's abstract philosophy and radicalized it = to apply=20 to the conditions of their time. By far the most influential such = writings=20 throughout the eighteenth century were "Cato's Letters," written by two=20 libertarian English journalists, John Trenchard and Thomas Gordon. = Trenchard and=20 Gordon not only put Locke's ideas into stirring and hard-hitting = phrases; they=20 took Locke's "if =E2=80=A6 then" proposition: that is, if the = government=20 transgresses against rights of person and property, then it is = proper=20 to rebel against it, and added in effect this insight: "The if = is=20 always here." In other words, they pointed out that it is the essence of = power,=20 of government, to expand beyond its laissez-faire limits, that it is = always=20 conspiring and attempting to do so, and therefore that it is the task of = the=20 people to guard eternally against this process. That they must always = regard=20 their government with hostility and deep suspicion: in short, with what = is now=20 disparagingly called, "a conspiracy theory of history."

And so, when the British government, after the war with France was = over in=20 1763, began their grand design to reduce the virtually independent = American=20 colonies to imperial subjection, the American colonists, without access = to the=20 memoranda and archives of the British government of the day, suspected = the=20 worst, and immediately roused themselves to determined resistance. Now, = two=20 hundred years later, we know that the colonists' suspicions were = correct;=20 they could not know this, but they were armed with a = "conspiracy=20 theory" which always suspects governments of designs upon = liberty. They=20 had absorbed the lesson of Trenchard and Gordon in Cato's = Letters:

"We know, by infinite examples and experience, that men possessed = of Power,=20 rather than part with it, will do anything, even the worst and the = blackest,=20 to keep it [pace Richard Nixon]; and scarce ever any man upon = earth=20 went out of it as long as he could carry everything his own way in = it=E2=80=A6 This=20 seems certain, that the good of the world, or of their people, was not = one of=20 their motives either for continuing in Power, or for quitting it.

It is the nature of Power to be ever encroaching, and converting = every=20 extraordinary Power, granted at particular times =E2=80=A6 into an = ordinary power, to=20 be used at all times=E2=80=A6.

Alas! Power encroaches daily upon Liberty, with a success too = evident=E2=80=A6=20 Tyranny has engrossed almost the whole earth, and striking at mankind = root and=20 branch, makes the world a slaughterhouse=E2=80=A6."

There is another critical point to make about the importance of such = men,=20 such best-sellers as Trenchard and Gordon or Tom Paine. At the last LP = national=20 convention in Washington, a friendly journalist, and many others, = remarked that=20 it seemed more like a scholars' conference than a political party = gathering. And=20 one participant reported that everyone there seemed to be very smart, = but if=20 that's the case, how in the world will we ever win the masses of the=20 non-smart?

Well, the first answer is that yes, we are very different = from other=20 political party conventions. I don't think that the crucial difference = is that=20 we're smart and the others are dumb; after all, if we may let this = secret out to=20 the world, we're not all that smart! We are a glorious movement = to be=20 sure, but we have hardly achieved perfection. The difference between us = and the=20 Democrats and Republicans is not that we are so much smarter than they = are, but=20 that we are deeply concerned with ideas, with principles, whereas they = are=20 simply concerned with getting their places at the public trough. = We are=20 interested in principles, they in power; and, gloriously = enough,=20 our principle is that their power be dismantled.

But how can the masses understand ideas? Well, a quick answer is that = they=20 have done so before: notably in the American Revolution and for a = hundred or so=20 years afterwards: in America and in Europe. So if they didn't read = Locke, they=20 read Paine or Cato or their popularizers, or read their followers in the = press=20 or heard them in speeches and sermons.

The American revolutionary movement was a diverse and structured one, = with=20 different persons and institutions specializing in various aspects of = the=20 struggle. The same is and will be true of our movement. Just as not = everyone had=20 to read Locke to become a full-fledged American revolutionary, not = everyone now=20 has to read all of our flowering theoretical works in order to grasp the = essence=20 of libertarianism and to act upon it.

The American revolutionaries never felt that every American had to = grasp=20 fully the fifth lemma of the third syllogism of the second chapter of = Locke=20 before they could take their place in the developing struggle; and the = same=20 should be true of our libertarians and our own theoretical works. = Naturally, the=20 more that everyone reads and understands the better; and it is hardly my = point=20 to deprecate the great importance of theory or of reading. My point is = that not=20 everyone has to know and agree to every nuance before we start moving,=20 ingathering, and acting to transform the real world.

There is a third important aspect of the radicalism of the American=20 revolutionaries, and this again underscores the importance of the mass = line. In=20 contrast to their polar enemies, the conservatives, who strove to = maintain=20 traditional aristocratic and monarchical rule over the masses, the = libertarian=20 revolutionary leaders realized that the masses, as well as themselves, = were the=20 victims of the state, and hence they only needed to be educated and = aroused to=20 join the radical libertarian cause.

The conservatives knew full well that they were subsisting on = privileges=20 coerced from a deluded and oppressed public through their control of = state=20 power; hence they apprehended that the masses were their mortal enemy. = The=20 laissez-faire radicals, for their part, understood that same fact, and = so from=20 the revolution down through most of the nineteenth century, here, in = Great=20 Britain, and on the continent of Europe, these libertarians led the mass = of the=20 public against traditional conservative statism. Where the conservatives = rested=20 their case on traditional privileges sanctified by mystical divine = command, the=20 laissez-faire radicals held aloft the banner of reason and individual = rights for=20 all people.

Here again is a profound lesson for us today. Too many libertarians = have=20 absorbed the negative and elitist conservative worldview to the effect = that our=20 enemy today is the poor, who are robbing the rich; the blacks, who are = robbing=20 the whites; or the masses, who are robbing heroes and businessmen. In = fact, it=20 is the state that is robbing all classes, rich and poor, black = and=20 white, worker and businessman alike; it is the state that is ripping us = all off;=20 it is the state that is the common enemy of mankind. And who is the = state? It is=20 any group who manages to seize control of the state's coercive machinery = of=20 theft and privilege. Of course these ruling groups have differed in = composition=20 through history, from kings and nobles to privileged merchants to = Communist=20 parties to the Trilateral Commission. But whoever they are, they can = only be a=20 small minority of the population, ruling and robbing the rest of us for = their=20 power and wealth. And since they are a small minority, the state rulers = can only=20 be kept in power by deluding us about the wisdom or necessity of their = rule.

Hence, it is our major task to oppose and desanctify their entrenched = rule,=20 in the same spirit that the first libertarian revolutionaries opposed = and=20 desanctified their rulers two hundred years ago. We must strip = the=20 mystical veil of sanctity from our rulers just as Tom Paine = stripped=20 the sanctity from King George III. And in this task we libertarians are = not the=20 spokesmen for any ethnic or economic class; we are the spokesmen for all = classes, for all of the public; we strive to see all of these groups = united,=20 hand-in-hand, in opposition to the plundering and privileged minority = that=20 constitutes the rulers of the state.

It is this task, this march toward liberty, that the libertarian = movement has=20 undertaken. That movement was born only a little while ago, and in a few = short=20 years it has grown and expanded enormously, in numbers, in the depth of=20 understanding of its members, and in the influence it has been exerting = on the=20 outside world. It has grown amazingly far beyond the dreams of its tiny = handful=20 of original members. The libertarian movement extends beyond the = Libertarian=20 Party, and consists of a broad number of people and organizations, = ranging from=20 scholarly centers and magazines to lobbying groups to supper clubs to = tax=20 rebels. But while the Libertarian Party is not the whole movement, it is = a vital=20 part of that movement.

We are the institution that garners the publicity, that brings to = enormous=20 numbers of people their first knowledge of libertarianism and of the = libertarian=20 movement, that educates and ingathers the broad public and attracts and = nurtures=20 present and future libertarian activists and cadres. And, on top of all = this, we=20 are the only libertarian organization that can use the established = institutions=20 of the ballot box and the political party structure to roll back the = Leviathan=20 state, to pressure from below for repeal of statist measures, decrees, = and=20 institutions.

Our national convention is a time for stocktaking, for judging how = well we=20 have been succeeding at our task. Well, let's take a look: since our = last=20 convention, we have mounted our first nationwide presidential campaign. = We were=20 on the ballot =E2=80=94 despite enormous legal handicaps =E2=80=94 in = almost two-thirds of the=20 states, and we have vaulted into becoming the nation's third largest = political=20 party. Now how's that for a party that only began a half dozen = years=20 ago? I say that's terrific, and shows that we are truly the wave of the=20 future.

And so we have splendidly achieved Phase I of the hoped for growth = and=20 expansion of the Libertarian Party. Phase I was the establishment of our = party=20 as the leading nationwide third party, a feat accomplished by the 1976=20 presidential campaign. Phase II, our task for the near future, our = turning=20 point, is to use the 1976 results as a springboard for widening and = deepening=20 the grass roots strength of the Party throughout the states: over this = year and=20 next to develop local and state-wide chapters and candidates.

Then, if we perform that task well, we will be ready for a great leap = forward=20 in the 1980 presidential campaign to make this party into a true mass = party at=20 the head of a mighty movement, a movement to complete the original = American=20 revolution and to bring liberty to our land.

We hereby put everyone on notice: We are libertarians of the will as = well as=20 the intellect, of activity as well as theory, of real-world struggle as = well as=20 idealistic vision. We are a serious movement. Our goal is nothing less = than the=20 victory of liberty over the Leviathan state, and we shall not be = deflected, we=20 shall not be diverted, we shall not be suborned, from achieving that = goal. The=20 odds against us are no greater than the odds that faced our forefathers = at=20 Concord, at Saratoga, or at Valley Forge. Secure in the knowledge that = we are in=20 the right, inspired by the vision, determination and courage of our = forbears, we=20 dedicate ourselves to the noblest cause of all, the old American cause, = of=20 individual liberty. With such dedication and with such a goal, how can = we help=20 but win?

Murray N. Rothbard = (1926=E2=80=931995)=20 was dean of the Austrian School. See his archive. = Comment on=20 the blog.

This article is taken from Murray Rothbard's Keynote Address to the=20 Libertarian Party Convention, 1977.

You can receive the Mises Dailies in your inbox. = Go here to subscribe or=20 unsubscribe.

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Murray N. = Rothbard=20

Murray N. Rothbard (1926=E2=80=931995) was dean of the Austrian = School. He was an=20 economist, economic historian, and libertarian political philosopher. =

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T= he=20 Importance of Fellow Travelers 7/30/2009 3:39:00 PM by zirag= t=20
= A View=20 from the Trenches, July 30th, 2009: "A quick summary of main = thoughts"=20 7/29/2009 10:26:00 PM by Tinc= ho=20 Sibileau
Jatropha=20 biofuel, Third World exploitation 7/29/2009 1:41:00 PM by Charl= es=20 Anthony
Econ= omics=20 in One Lesson=E6=A0=A1=E8=AF=91=E4=B9=8B24. The Assault on Saving = (4-1,2) 7/29/2009 3:31:00 AM=20 by Dingd= ong=20 Pu
= A View=20 from the Trenches, July 29th, 2009: "On systemic risk and savings" = 7/28/2009 11:19:00 PM by Tinc= ho=20 Sibileau

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Valid = Casuistry:=20 Deriving Ought from Ought 8/7/2009 6:03:21 PM by Lilb= urne=20
How do = natural=20 rights theories cross the is/ought divide? 8/1/2009 8:20:29 PM = by Lilb= urne=20
Where do = people=20 get the idea that it is honorable to fight in a war? 7/20/2009 = 1:11:49=20 PM by Silen= tXtarian=20
Healthcare: = what's=20 wrong with it? 8/8/2009 2:03:28 AM by yoshi= mura=20
Ed = Herman and Noam=20 Chomsky's Propaganda Model 8/8/2009 3:02:21 PM by VanD= oodah=20
Ideological=20 "evolution" among libertarians 8/7/2009 3:19:17 PM by ivanf= oofoo=20
Propaganda for = the=20 State 8/8/2009 1:38:07 PM by Laugh= ing=20 Man
Which = behemoth=20 book should I start with? Human Action or Man, Economy and State?=20 8/7/2009 10:31:56 PM by McDuf= fie=20
Leninists?=20 8/4/2009 3:30:39 PM by E. = R.=20 Olovetto
Mises is = Spreading 8/8/2009 11:13:04 AM by Scott= =20 Jefferies
Fallacy = of the=20 Money Multiplier & The Three Multiplier Revelations of = Economics=20 8/8/2009 9:19:04 AM by MrLi= berty=20
Question = on Human=20 Action, Chapter XX, Page 557. 8/8/2009 12:33:28 PM by Peter= Van=20 Wieren
Fractional = Reserve=20 Banking 7/28/2009 7:54:59 PM by adam = knott
Property = rights=20 are an initiation of force? 8/7/2009 10:43:14 AM by Fried= =20 Egg
Antitrust: I need = a good retort to a stupid, stupid comment... 8/7/2009 11:42:22 = AM by=20 McDuf= fie=20
osman = kadri koca=20 'economist' 8/8/2009 6:00:41 AM by osma= nkadrikoca=20
Is it = even=20 possible for savings in China to cause a bubble here 7/24/2009 = 9:45:31=20 AM by inqu= isitiveteenager=20
Actual = Logical=20 Proof of Natural Law 8/5/2009 6:56:04 AM by Aman= ojack=20
Can You = Define=20 Natural Rights as a Meaningful Concept? 8/7/2009 4:06:58 PM by = Aman= ojack=20
Does = anyone else=20 find this incredibly annoying... 8/5/2009 9:29:39 AM by libe= rtyman=20

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Literature

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Feser = on=20 Rothbard as a Philosopher by Gerard N. Casey
= Reply=20 to Matt Mortellaro on "Block=E2=80=99s Paradox": Causation, = Responsibility,=20 Libertarian Law, Entrapment, Threats and Blackmail by Walter=20 Block
Gold, = the Golden=20 Rule, and Government: Civil Society and the End of the State = by D. G.=20 White
History of = American=20 Socialisms by John Humphrey Noyes
The Freeman 1999 = by=20 Foundation for Economic Education
The Freeman 1997 = by=20 Foundation for Economic Education
The Freeman 1996 = by=20 Foundation for Economic Education
Pro= perty,=20 Freedom, and Society: Essays in Honor of Hans-Hermann Hoppe by = J=C3=B6rg=20 Guido H=C3=BClsmann
The Freeman 1995 = by=20 Foundation for Economic Education
The Freeman 1986 = by=20 Foundation for Economic Education
The Freeman 1985 = by=20 Foundation for Economic Education
The Libertarian = Review December=20 1980 by Libertarian Review

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